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The politics of Vande Mataram

anuramas — Sun, 08 Nov 2009 09:32:06 +0000

Among the 15 resolutions passed by the Jamiat-e-Ulema-I-Hind (Mehmud Madani branch) at its anti-terrorism conference at Dar Ul Uloom Deoband last week, only one was highlighted by the media: the one which dubbed the singing of Vande Mataram as `un-Islamic’. The politics-dogged altercation over Vande Mataram is not new and rears its ugly head every few years. The question is, what prompted it now when no compulsion is being imposed on singing the song?

According to Maulana Shafiq Ahmed Al Qasmi, an organiser of the conference, the provocation occurred two months ago in Saharanpur when a new outfit, the Rashtrawadi Maha Sabha, threatened to burn an effigy of Dar ul Uloom if the Deoband seminary did not withdraw a fatwa asking its students not to sing Vande Mataram. Since the month of Ramzan was on, the seminary’s and Jamiat’s response was postponed till November 1, when the conference was scheduled, and the resolution was passed here.

However, there are other theories. The rival Jamiat, headed by Maulana Arshad Madani (Mehmud Madani’s uncle), alleges that the resolution is part of a conspiracy to create communal tension, instigated by Americans who had met the Mehmud faction in July.

“With each one vying to prove himself the better Muslim, both uncle and nephew have forgotten the Jamiat’s glorious tradition of participation in the freedom movement, of which Vande Mataram was an inseparable part,” rues reformist Asghar Ali Engineer. “This resolution has eclipsed the very purpose of the conference to condemn terrorism.”

Engineer points out that the nationalistic paean has always been politicised (see box)-he recalls that the controversy over it had helped both the Muslim League (which refused to sing it) and the Shiv Sena (which insisted on it) win seats in the 1974 BMC election. He himself finds the song unobjectionable. “Vande Mataram means `I pay my respects to the motherland. Even if you translate it as `I bow to my motherland, what objection can there be to doing so?” he asks. “The Mughals made courtiers bow to them and perform sajda (respectfully lowering and then lifting your hand to your forehead repeatedly). Why was this not condemned as un-Islamic? Simply because the emperor had power! In fact, Islamic scholar Mujaddid Alf Sani had objected to this practice in Jehangir’s time, only to be thrown into prison.”

Writer Sajid Rashid recalls singing Allama Iqbal’s Naya Shivala in his Urdu school, a song which contains the lines Patthar ki mooraton mein samjhaa hai tu khudaa hai/ Khaak-e-watan ka mujh ko har zarraa devtaa hai (You think that God resides in the stone idols/ Each speck of the motherland is God to me.) “Ulema of every sect consider Iqbal to be a devout Muslim. Why is there no furore against this well-known song?” asks Sajid. Interestingly, the Pakistani national anthem has a line that says, `Blessed be the sacred land’.

And then, of course, there’s the devout A R Rahman’s iconic rendition of Vande Mataram, which has the words Ma tujhe salaam. “Why is there no fatwa against Rahman?” asks activist Feroze Mithiborewala.

Engineer and Sajid both point to the multiplicity of Islamic beliefs in India. “The Deobandis consider even singing salaams to Prophet Mohammed’s glory as haraam, says Sajid. “But most Indian Muslims do not.” Adds Engineer, “The Deobandis cannot impose their Islam on all Indian Muslims.”

The real problem with Vande Mataram comes with the RSS slogan Is desh mein rahna hoga to Vande Mataram kahna hoga. This slogan, used in every RSS/Shiv Sena campaign, and part of every communal riot, kept cropping up during the Srikrishna Commission hearings into the 1992-’93 riots. Policemen deposing before the Commission were amazed that they should even be asked why they had not taken action against those mouthing the belligerent slogan-significantly, so were their lawyers as well as the counsel for the government. It was left to Justice Srikrishna to point out that laying down conditions of residence on any citizen, let alone a community, by another group was not just communal but also fascist.

The point is reiterated by Engineer. “Under compulsion, I won’t sing it to prove my patriotism,” he says. And adds, “And if ordered not to by any fatwa, I will sing it to assert my freedom of choice.” (Thanks: Times of India)

US lauds India’s religious freedom, flays some states

anuramas — Tue, 27 Oct 2009 06:09:54 +0000

Washington: A US government report gave top rating to the Indian government for doing its best to protect religious freedom, but criticised some state and local governments for imposing limits on this freedom.

“The National Government generally respected religious freedom in practice; however, some state and local governments imposed limits on this freedom,” the State Department said on Monday in its Congressionally mandated annual report on International Religions Freedom.

“Although the vast majority of citizens of every religious group lived in peaceful coexistence, some organized societal attacks against minority religious groups occurred,” the report said alleging “the state police and enforcement agencies often did not act swiftly to effectively counter such attacks.”

Releasing the report covering 198 countries, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton hoped it “will encourage existing religious freedom movements around the world and promote dialogue among governments and within societies.”

The report said the phrase “generally respected” signifies that the government attempted to protect religious freedom in the fullest sense and was “thus the highest level of respect for religious freedom assigned” by it.

Religious extremists, it noted, committed numerous terrorist attacks throughout India, including the November 2008 attacks in Mumbai that targeted luxury hotels, a crowded railway station, a Jewish centre, a hospital, and restaurants.

The report noted 40 persons died and 134 were injured as “violence erupted in August 2008 in Orissa after individuals affiliated with left-wing Maoist extremists killed a Hindu religious leader in Kandhamal, one of the country’s poorest districts.”

“Although most victims were Christians, the underlying causes that led to the violence have complex ethnic, economic, religious, and political roots related to land ownership and government-reserved employment and educational benefits,” it said.

Numerous cases were in the courts, including cases in connection with the 2002 Gujarat violence, the 1984 anti-Sikh riots, and more recent attacks against Christians, the State Department report noted.

But “some extremists continued to view ineffective investigation and prosecution of attacks as a signal that they could commit such violence with impunity.”

“In general, India’s democratic system, open society, independent legal institutions, vibrant civil society, and press all provided mechanisms to address violations of religious freedom when they did occur,” the report said.

Listing “improvements and positive developments” in the year ended June 30, the report said, “In India, “Government officials responded to a number of new and previous violent events, helping to prevent communal violence and providing relief and rehabilitation packages for victims and their families.”

“Efforts at ecumenical understanding brought religious leaders together to defuse religious tensions,” it said noting, “in the aftermath of the November 2008 Mumbai terrorist strikes, religious leaders of all communities condemned the attacks and issued statements to maintain communal harmony.” (www.ibnlive.com)

Spectrum allocation largest scam in independent India: BJP

anuramas — Tue, 27 Oct 2009 06:07:32 +0000

Arun Jaitley leader of opposition in the Rajya Sabha today launched a broadside against the Communications Minister A Raja demanding that he step down and the Prime Minister (PM) institute an independent inquiry into the 2G scam. Siddharth Zarabi reports.

Here is a verbatim transcript of his comments on CNBC-TV18 as seen on www.moneycontrol.com

What A Raja seems top be suggesting is that he took the battle of the first-come-first-serve policy and the entry fee in 2001 to the BJP camp. In his interview, he mentioned the then Communications Minster Arun Shourie by name. He said there were files in which the first-come-first-serve policy was actually followed for one company and for another company which did not fit in this classification there was negative noting on that file.

However, he didn’t name the company. But, it is clear Raja is not going to give up the battle and hours after I spoke to him Jaitley have severe criticism of the Prime Minister.

Arun Jaitley, Senior BJP Leader Opposition Leader, Rajya Sabha, said, “The Prime Minister needs to be candid. The Prime Minister should not have made these comments about a pending investigation and pre-judged the innocence of Raja when his guilt is lit so large. Secondly, pending this investigation the facts are so clear that Raja should be asked to step down.”

Jaitley is now saying that the Prime Minister has given a green signal to Raja even as the CBI probe is on. So the Parliament session will be interesting and we can see both sides slugging it out for who will really nail each other on this spectrum tangle.

UPA set to return to power

anuramas — Sat, 16 May 2009 05:23:57 +0000

World’s largest democracy had its voting completed two days back and the counting started at 8 AM on May 16, 2009.

It is just about 3 hours since the counting commenced reading the votes stored in the electronic chips of Electronic Voting Machines used across India. The leads for 510 of 543 parliament seats are already available.

The current tally is:

UPA – 228, NDA – 156, 3rd Front – 80, 4th Front – 30.

Thus, Mr. L K Advani’s PM ambitions have come to naught. Mr. Manmohan Singh will be Prime Minister of India for the second time running.

In Tamil Nadu, DMK and Congress are doing well, set to win about 27 seats. PMK which switched sides at the last moment to AIADMK camp has been routed.

We can expect to see Mr. Dayanidhi Maran, Mr. M K Azhagiri and Ms. Kanimozhi all from Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Mr. Karunanidhi’s family, as Central Ministers.

We might also see Mr. Rahul Gandhi as a minister with an important portfolio.

The new Government without Left Support should bring huge cheers to the stock markets and financial reforms can take big momentum.

CPI-M Prakash Karat & Karan Thapar

anuramas — Wed, 13 May 2009 03:40:36 +0000

Text of an interview with Prakash Karat, general secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), by Karan Thapar, broadcast in “India Tonight” on CNBC TV18 on May 11.

Let’s start with Pakistan and Afghanistan. As one looks at Pakistan today, one sees the spread and the rise of the Taliban. They’ve already controlled 11 per cent of the country. They’ve the capacity not just to carry out terrorist strikes in Lahore, but 10 miles from the Indian border. How concerned are you about this?

Yes, I think Pakistan has a serious problem with the growing strength of the Taliban and the other fundamentalist, extremist forces. But I think we should not exaggerate the threat to say that Pakistan is going to be taken over by the Taliban. I think that the Pakistani state and government will have to come to terms with this threat and they will have to try and tackle it. I don’t think everything is lost, all hope is lost.

Let me pick on something you said – that we mustn’t exaggerate it, we mustn’t believe that the whole of Pakistan could fall under the Taliban. Just three days ago, Ahmed Rashid, who arguably is the world’s authority on the Taliban, said in this very channel that it is not inconceivable that in a few months the Taliban could become a national movement. He said that what he initially thought. creeping Talibanisation had become galloping Talibanisation. He therefore thinks it’s possible that a time could come when the Taliban ends up as India’s western neighbour 25 miles from Amritsar.

I believe that if the civilian government in Pakistan is supported. The United States of America I think is sending out mixed signals. At times they say this government is fragile, they seem to be putting all their backing behind the Pakistan Army – I think that’s the wrong step. I think that the civilian government, the democratic system, must be supported fully, and I think history has shown that whenever religious groups and parties have contested elections, they’ve not done well. So I think the political forces, the democratic forces and the civil society in Pakistan can be geared to face this challenge.

This is very interesting. Let me ask you two quick questions. You’re first of all saying that the civilian government, which means in fact Asif Zardari’s government, is the best bulwark in Pakistan against..

And Prime Minister Gilani and whatever government is there. Bulwark means, they are the only ones who can tackle the situation. You cannot prop up the military again in Pakistan, as if the military alone can face the situation and only they can deal with the situation.

If after May 16 the Third Front is in power, then you are in a position to determine and influence Indian foreign policy. Would you find creative ways of strengthening the civilian government.

I think that there is no escape. We’ve the problem of terrorism emanating from Pakistan, we have the post-Mumbai situation, we must continue to press upon Pakistan to take firm action against these elements, and at the same time we’ll have to resume the dialogue with Pakistan, the composite dialogue with Pakistan. We must talk about other confidence building measures and we must understand that if you’re talking about fighting the Taliban, then it is in our national interest to see that the Pakistani state and the present government is able to take a firm stand against them.

So you’ve said two important things. One, you’d take steps to strengthen the civilian government to the extent to which India can.

We can’t strengthen. we are supportive of.

Supportive. And secondly, you’re also saying that the present standoff, whereby the present outgoing government has refused to carry out the peace process, will end when the Third Front comes to power.

No, no.the standoff came because of the Mumbai attack and we wanted the Pakistan government to take steps and I said that we’ve to continue on that track. But at the same time, I think steps must be taken for the resumption of the dialogue.

So you won’t make one the hostage of the other.

No.

You’d do both together.

Yes.

Push action on the Mumbai front but at the same time start talks.

Yes.

Let me ask you, how do you view Asif Zardari? Frequently in his interviews and speeches, he says very reassuring things.You think he is sincere or is it clever political rhetoric?

No, I think they are in a very difficult situation and I have no real, direct way to know what the role and the assessment that we have of President Asif Zardari. But I think in the present situation, any setback to the civilian government will be an overall setback in Pakistan and [it] will speed up a process of polarisation in Pakistani society, which will be very harmful.

So, if I read you correctly, what you are saying is, I think we’ve good reason to distrust him, we should actually believe what he says.

And we may be critical of the Pakistani government and the Pakistani President in whichever issue, but we would like the Pakistani people and society to work out and sort out their problems in a democratic fashion.

What about General Kayani? Because he is also a very important and critical player in the Pakistani situation. Earlier, both General Kapoor, our Army chief, and head of the NSA Mr. [M.K.] Narayanan, in this channel have said that they believe he is a professional soldier who won’t push his way into politics as many of his predecessors have done. Do you share that analysis?

Well, I’d like to put it in this context, that. you see that the Pakistani government and Army are facing a difficult situation because United States’ intervention in Pakistan and Afghanistan is widely disliked by the people in Pakistan. And the way they’re going about micro-managing affairs within Pakistan today is also resented largely by the Pakistani people. So I hope that the Pakistani army is able to stand up and take an independent position against pressures on them.

That’s your real concern about General Kayani, that he must have the capacity to stand up to American micro-management.

I’m talking about both the Army and the government.

I want very much to talk about the role America is playing in Afghanistan. But before I come to that, let me ask you one other thing. Both our Prime Minister recently and a couple of months ago former Pakistani Foreign Minister Mr. Kasuri revealed that India and Pakistan have made extensive progress on back channels. In fact, our Prime Minister said that they were very, very close to an agreement to sort out. when General Musharraf’s political problems came into the picture. If the Third Front were to form a government, would you be able to pick up from where they left off and take it forward?

When we were supporting this government, we had always told them that they must start with things which are doable – which are Sir Creek, Siachen — and also take up Kashmir. And we know that there were talks, there was progress, we know what Musharraf was saying and what Dr. Manmohan Singh was saying. But unfortunately the situation changed after that. But I think we should build on that when the new government comes.

Very interesting that you mentioned Siachen. Many people believe that in fact the reason why the government was not able to move forward on Siachen is because in effect the Indian Army had a veto. They wanted the Pakistanis to sign off., which the Pakistanis were reluctant to do. Would you be able to, if you come to power, to stand up to that?

The present government could not make progress. I know that.

Will you be able to?

Well, I can’t say. But we were of the clear opinion and we had told the Prime Minister you should try and go ahead and solve the problem.

And that’ll certainly be your intention if you come to power as well.

If it can be worked out, yes.

What about the second issue on which the two countries came very close to, the question of sorting out Kashmir? Progress was made around the concepts that weren’t thought of before: self-governance and joint determination. Can you pick up those pieces?

I think we should build on that.

It can be done.

Yes. yes.

And you’d be happy once again to trust the Pakistanis?

Well, we’ve always held that the key to solving most of our problems in the subcontinent, in South Asia, is to make progress in India-Pakistan relations. Unless we bring about a change in India-Pakistan relations, we cannot bring about peace and stability and prosperity in this region.

Presumably that means we’ve to break the mindset of distrust. You have to learn to trust.

Yes. yes.

And you would be.

And I think it would require not just the composite dialogue; we may have to initiate high-level political exchanges. So that people can talk and learn to understand each other’s problems and trust each other.

Whether you are in government or not, if the Third Front forms the Government, or is one of the influential mentors of the government, would you, Prakash Karat yourself , be prepared to take the initiative to push this forward? Perhaps by yourself going across and meeting Zardari.

I cannot say I can play such a role, but definitely our stand and our approach would be what I have just spelt out.

But you are not averse to playing such a role.

No. no. I am not in a position to say whether I could play such a role.

Let’s come to Afghanistan. The Americans have toyed with the concept of Good and Bad Taliban. They seem to believe that good Taliban can be co-opted into the Afghan regime and made to work with President Karzai in some way. Do you think that such a thing as good Taliban exists, or do you see.

Let me put two points at first. I think the situation in Pakistan is integrally connected with what’s happening in Afghanistan. So, in fact the situation in Pakistan cannot be settled or solved without the Afghanistan matter being settled. And I think President Obama has taken a major step which is in the wrong direction by stepping up troop involvement, the surge in Afghanistan. Because a U.S.-NATO occupation will help the Taliban. Afghanistan has a history and tradition of fighting foreign invaders and occupiers. And you are going to create a situation which will help the Taliban.

Well, this is your criticism of what President Obama is intending in his AfPak strategy. Very interesting, because through Richard Holbrooke, the Americans are trying hard to keep India informed, perhaps involved and maybe even supportive. If you come to power and Holbrooke comes to Delhi, inevitably he will, what are you going to say to him?

We’ll say two things to him: within Afghanistan, let many of these matters be sorted out by the people and the forces within Afghanistan. Let there be an intra-Afghan dialogue, so that there’ll be some national reconciliation. As for Good and Bad Taliban, I aim to put it differently – the Taliban consists of different streams of people. You’ve just seen how hundreds of people have died in aerial strikes. There are people who’ll join the Taliban if you kill hundreds of people, women and children. So you’ve to ensure. and that. it is a tribal society, bring everyone together, and try to create some situation where they can solve their problems themselves.

The second is the regional role in which India, instead of dealing with U.S.-NATO forces, we must get Russia, we must get the Central Asian republics, Iran, all of them involved for a regional understanding on how to tackle Afghanistan.

In other words, you’re going to attempt to completely unravel and undo the AfPak and put in its place a completely different strategy.

Well, I think the Americans, if they really are far-sighted, they’ll have to deal with Iran, because Iran can help a lot with Afghanistan.

To come back to something you talked about earlier, which is actually part of the AfPak strategy. you do believe that Pakistan has to fight the fight against Taliban internally, that the Pakistani Army and the Pakistani civilian government [have] to fight this fight. They often say, they will have a much easier time standing up to the Taliban if India were to reduce the number of troops on the border along the Line of Control? If not reduce, at least pull them back a little. Would you be more understanding of the fact.

Well, that’s what I said, when you’ve talks, when you start talking to Pakistan, the leadership. and saying in your dialogue bring in Afghanistan.They look at us in suspicion, what are we doing in Afghanistan? So, let us talk’s about it. Let them understand. We need to understand their concerns, and they’ll understand our concerns regarding Afghanistan.

You’re saying two very important things. First, you’re saying that you will go out of your way to assure the Pakistanis that Indian consulates in Afghanistan, which they see as a threat, are not a threat to them. And you do this by talking to them, by speaking to them and sharing with them the details that will reassure them. And the second thing, you’re saying that you are also prepared to talk to Pakistanis, about giving them assurance, that they can move the troops from the East to the West.

That I cannot say. Because I don’t know the details of what the plan is. But what I’m saying is that we should discuss the Afghanistan situation with them also.

In which you can also discuss about the situation on the border, so that they get an assurance that if they move the troops to fight the Taliban, they won’t be.

But India is also concerned about infiltration across the Line of Control even now. So I think all these matters will have to be discussed with them.

How much of a priority will this whole issue, AfPak if I may call it, or Pakistan, Afghanistan and Taliban, be to a Third Front government?

I think it will be important and we will shift the focus to the regional factor which I mentioned. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation must be brought in.

What you are indicating is a fairly marked shift in focus and a fairly marked shift in priority of the foreign policy under the UPA government.

Yes, that’s what we mean by getting back to the basics of an independent foreign policy.

I want to talk about the nature of relationship in any government that you form or any government that you influence, will have with America. But first, let me ask you directly about Barack Obama himself. Many people in the world and many people in India. admire him, respect him and see him as a sort of an ideal President. How do you, Prakash Karat, view Barack Obama? Are you enamoured of him, or are you wary and.

No, I think like the rest of the world we should really look to the Obama presidency with some expectation. That there’ll be a change, a marked change, from what we had earlier during the Bush administration. And I think it is paradoxical that in India, the Indian establishment, the present government, is viewing the Obama presidency with deep disquiet. There seems to be a mourning that President Bush is no more at the helm of affairs.

You don’t share that?

No, no, I think it has opened up a new opportunity, I see that India-U.S. relations can be developed at a new level now.

You just told me for one that the AfPak strategy Obama is following is going to be a problem for Pakistan, and presumably for India as a next-door neighbour. So there’s one area where the expectations have been presumably dashed.

No, despite such areas, I think that the Obama presidency will help India to reset our relationship in a better fashion than the type of relationship we had with the Bush administration.

In a sense, that was the central criticism you had of the outgoing Congress government?

Yes.

Not just after the nuclear deal was signed but even during the run-up to it. You really think the Manmohan Singh government was subservient to Washington? What steps will the government you influence upon take to correct that balance?

I think we’d engage with the United States and the new administration on a wide range of issues on which I think they will be open. now.because they have a new President.

What sort of issues are you talking about?

I’m talking about. Obama made a very big speech on nuclear disarmament, for example. I think that has not been noted here seriously. I think that gives us an opening to discuss about the nuclear cooperation agreement, the whole relationship with the United States, on a fresh footing.

You’re absolutely right. That major speech was made in Prague just about a month ago and recently the Assistant Secretary responsible for that subject, Rose, has said that she wants India, including other countries, to sign the NPT, and there is no doubt pressure will be on India also to sign the CTBT. If you were to be in the government, would you be willing to sign?

No. We’ll not be willing to sign the NPT or the CTBT but definitely if President Obama can come up with a timeframe for nuclear disarmament, which is what we’ve been demanding, India has been demanding, that is what the Rajiv Gandhi disarmament plan was about. I think then the whole framework will change. Let’s see if we can get them to talk about real nuclear disarmament.

Of course, he is committed to that in his talks with Medvedev, the Russian President, And he has plans to take the task much further, possibly reducing nuclear arsenals and . to just a 1,000. If he does that, that’s a big. If I can see, then, would the Third Front government be ready to sign the NPT and the CTBT?

No. I am saying that would be the basis for us to start talking about the whole issue.

The thing is, if you want to talk about the whole issue, but saying to him that CTBT and NPT is off the agenda, isn’t it contradictory?

No. no. no. We’ll talk about the NPT only if this timeframe is going to become a reality.

So, in all these areas, the onus is on him to open the door to give you an opportunity.

No, I am saying that he has opened up this issue. He has opened up the doors, you see.

Let’s come now to what for many is possibly a particular flashpoint between any government you form and Obama. The future of the India-U.S. nuclear deal. Before the election campaign began, you were committed to scrapping it. You actually said so many times. During the election campaign you stopped talking about scrapping, began talking about renegotiating.

Reworking it.

What’s your final position?

No, I think with a Democratic administration, Obama administration, we can talk about reworking this deal.

Which bits would you rework?

Well, I can’t go into the details, but the Hyde Act brought in certain provisions into the 123 Agreement, which were unacceptable for us.

But the problem is, if it is the Hyde Act that you have a problem with, then you are actually asking the Obama government to change American internal law, rather than the 123.

No, no, no. 123 [agreement] according to us is based on the Hyde Act.

You think he’d be willing to rework it? Or would that become.

That’s why I said, we look with expectation to President obama.

… If he is not willing to rework, and therefore to renegotiate, then would you accept the deal as done, or would you then scrap it?

I think that the understanding which was there with President Bush got this agreement through. I think there’ll be no serious problems with the new administration if we can get things reworked.

So if I understand you correctly, you are fairly hopeful that when you knock on his door, assuming you form the government, and say, Dear President Obama, we want to rework the deal, he will turn around and say, Yes Mr. Karat, walk in, I’m happy to sit and talk.

No, I think the Democratic administration will be prepared to at least open up and discuss what we want done.

Sure this is not the triumph of hope over experience.

Well, there was a special situation, I do not want to quite go into it, when the Manmohan Singh government and the Bush administration got this agreement through.

So you think now that we have a new administration with a new party and..

Well, there’ll be a new government and there’ll be a new administration, they don’t stick to the old dogmas.

So you do believe you could succeed and rework it.

Well, we’ll try.

Let me put this to you. What about the big issue of protectionism? One of the great fears is that as the American economic crisis continues and American employment stubbornly falls month after month, that Obama will become protectionist, particularly with regard business outsourcing to India, and.

We’ve a different take on that. Everybody says no protectionism. But we say, we’ve been saying this from the beginning, in India, we must have some intelligent protectionism. We’ve to protect Indian farmers. We’ve been fighting with this government not to surrender our rights, which will harm the farmers, for example. So we will review the WTO-related decisions and policies and we will go in for some protectionism in certain areas.

In other words, if you go in for protectionism of your own, you could hardly object to Obama’s protectionism.

There’ll be protectionism practised by various countries. It’s a reality and we have to see what type of protectionism is required which will be in the interest of our country and what we should not have.

It also suggests you will accept any protectionism from America, in terms of H1B visas.

No. we will have to negotiate that with them.

Let me end by putting a simple question. If the Left Front or the Third Front forms the government on May 16, a year later would you think the relationship with America would be better or would it be in the doldrums?

As I said, it’ll be reset and it’ll be on a better footing.

Will Indians be smiling or will they be saying Christ! What’s he done?

India as a whole will see America as a partner and a friend, but in a new light.

And would Obama be happy, or .

I don’t think he has gotten engaged with India so much yet.

Indian Elections 2009 sans issues?

anuramas — Tue, 12 May 2009 08:58:39 +0000

Observing the month long elections and the speeches of leaders from various political parties one wonders if they have run out of issues for this elections.

Save for the “bring back Swiss money” and “nothing has been done for Lankan Tamils”, there were hardly any new issues of national importance discussed / debated by the political parties.

Congress and BJP as the two biggest national parties wanted to also dredge carefully in order to not antagonize any of the other regional / semi-national parties keeping an eye on post poll alliance possibilities.

I am surprised that even the Communists, who had withdrawn support to the UPA Government opposing the nuclear deal with the USA have not raised that issue much. Congress dug up a ten year old Kandhahar terrorist release and Gujarat riots while BJP racked up the more than twenty year old Bofors scandal again.

This what I read in an article by Niraj Sethi in Wall Street Journal online. (http://www.wsj.com)
X———-X———-X———-X———-X———-X———-X
In an election with no prevailing national issue or clear leader, India’s main political parties are thumbing through history books looking for an edge with voters, as the third stage of the world’s largest democratic election starts Thursday.

Both the country’s major parties have political baggage that offers fodder for rivals, though it’s unclear how the election’s outcome might be affected.

The incumbent National Congress party is fielding accusations that it is scrambling to get some of its decades-old scandals cleared from the courts before the vote ends.

For the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party, a string of setbacks highlighting the right-wing party’s hard-line history — including a new investigation into star BJP campaigner Narendra Modi’s role in bloody riots in 2002 — could derail its hopes of coming to power.

India has had plenty of turbulence in the past year, from a rapidly slowing economy to a string of terrorist attacks culminating in November’s assault on Mumbai. But national campaigns recently have given short shrift to subjects voters might find topical; instead, they have focused on scandals of yesteryear.

The reason, analysts say, is that the two largest political parties have broadly similar platforms, and neither has a charismatic leader who excites voters. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Congress’s candidate for premier, is a soft-spoken 76-year-old. BJP leader L.K. Advani is 81. The election also has been dominated by regional parties and issues that have made it hard for the national parties to connect with voters on anything but emotive issues.

“These elections are not being fought on any policy platform at all,” says Seema Desai, a London-based Asia analyst for Eurasia Group. The scandals are “just going over old ground.”

On Monday, the country’s highest court ordered an investigation into the role of the BJP’s Mr. Modi, chief minister of Gujarat, in riots in 2002 that left 2,000 — mostly Muslims — dead in Gujarat. Congress, which has led the national governing coalition for the past five years, demanded that Mr. Modi resign as the state’s chief minister.

Mr. Modi declines to step down. “It’s a conspiracy against me,” Mr. Modi told the Web site of the Hindustan Times. In the past, he has denied any wrongdoing.

On Tuesday, the BJP retaliated, pouncing on news that the Central Bureau of Investigation, India’s equivalent of the FBI, cleared an Italian who had been the last remaining suspect in the Bofors scandal. Most of the main suspects in the scandal, which revolved around kickbacks Swedish arms maker Bofors allegedly paid the then-Congress government to secure a military contract in 1986, are dead.

The BJP’s Mr. Advani effectively accused the CBI of being manipulated by the government in power. “The entire role of the agency during the last five years … should be probed,” he said Tuesday. Last month, the CBI cleared a former government minister of allegations of instigating riots in 1984 in New Delhi that left about 3,000 Sikhs dead, sparking outrage among members of the Sikh community.

A Congress strategist said the government hadn’t pressured the CBI. A CBI spokesman declined to comment on the charges.

The investigation of Mr. Modi could prove the most damaging of the revisited issues because the state of Gujarat, home to 26 of India’s 545 parliamentary seats, goes to the polls Thursday, with several other districts nationwide, in the third of five voting days.

The BJP says it expects to win at least 20 Gujarat seats. Many expect Mr. Modi to be the party’s prime ministerial candidate in the next elections. His popularity banks on his record in Gujarat, where the economy has grown an average of 10% annually since he took power in 2001. But observers say his hard-line Hindu nationalist streak could unsettle voters.

A Congress strategist said the government hadn’t pressured the CBI. A CBI spokesman declined to comment on the charges.

—Vibhuti Agarwal contributed to this article. Write to Niraj Sheth at niraj.sheth@wsj.com
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The “Gandhi” mantra of Indian politics

anuramas — Mon, 11 May 2009 03:48:23 +0000

Madness of crowds is nothing new in world history. There is a political slogan in Hindi which can be and is used for any political leader of some following in India.

“Desh ki neta kaisa ho! “so and so” jaisa ho!” is that slogan. If you have few supporters for you, you can also have your name in this slogan. Once few people shout this slogan, public attention is on you and soon madness of the crowds will take over with few hundreds or even thousands shouting this slogan for you.

Read this report regarding the newest “Gandhi” brand – from the family that seems to have discarded the “Nehru brand”:

For hundreds of thousands of people in this largely rural swathe of north India, Rahul Gandhi is their prince.

Huge crowds wait for hours under a scorching sun to watch his motorcade and maybe catch a glimpse as he makes his way to file his nomination papers for the national election.

As his SUV slows to a crawl, mobs of supporters shower it with rose petals and try to peer through the tinted windows.

When he opens the door and steps onto the running board to wave, a roar rises across this dusty town, in an area where his family has long had its political base: “What should the leader of this country be like?” shouts one group. “Like Rahul Gandhi!” another group shouts back.

The boyish-looking 38-year-old, running for re-election to parliament, is the latest political incarnation of a dynasty that stretches back well over 60 years: his father, Rajiv Gandhi, was prime minister. So was his grandmother, Indira Gandhi. His mother, Sonia Gandhi, leads the Congress party, which heads the ruling coalition. His great-grandfather, Jawaharlal Nehru, was India’s first prime minister and the faithful lieutenant of independence leader Mahatma Gandhi (no relation).

It all adds up to a family that has run India for 37 of its 62 years of independence.

Now, as a monthlong national election unfolds, Rahul Gandhi has become a force in Indian politics and the buzz around him as the eventual candidate for the country’s top post has turned into a roar.

With just five years of political experience, he is not an obvious political star: He’s an awkward public speaker who has said little of substance about many key policy issues. He won a seat in Parliament by a landslide in 2004, only to flunk another test three years later, when the election campaign he headed in India’s largest state, Uttar Pradesh, failed to win any gains for his party.

But he has the right last name — and in a country in thrall to celebrity and the ideals of family, he has become the party’s star campaigner, drawing huge crowds to a dizzying number of electioneering stops. On giant Congress party billboards, it’s Rahul — so well known that he’s commonly referred to by just his first name — who shares space with his mother and the prime minister.

It makes for good campaigning, but it highlights the dynastic quality of Indian politics, Congress’ opponents complain.

“This is a party where the top slot is reserved for a single family,” said Nalin Kohli, a spokesman for the main opposition, the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party.

It’s a charge that Gandhi can’t ignore — and even he says it’s time for family dynasties to fade into political history. To that end, he’s encouraging young people who are not from powerful families to work for the Congress party.

“Just because I’m the outcome of a system doesn’t mean I cannot change the system,” he told a rare news conference.

But in the 2009 election, the big question is whether this Gandhi’s celebrity will translate into more votes.

He faces a global economic slowdown, which has shifted the focus from Congress’ main achievement, India’s rapid growth in the last few years. And the government has been criticized for its bungled handling of the Mumbai terror attack in November in which 166 people died.

The election results will be announced May 16, and polls indicate no party will get enough votes to rule except in a shaky coalition, possibly including dozens of parties.

Gandhi himself has remained vague about his future plans — never rejecting the idea outright of being prime minister but accusing the media of prematurely projecting him into the job.

To supporters who want him to play a more prominent role, he urges patience, saying leadership must be developed gradually.

A graduate of Rollins College in Florida and Cambridge University in England, he often looks uncomfortable when surrounded by crowds of poor villagers, but tells a crowd on a recent campaign stop: “I entered politics to help the poor. Irrespective of caste, religion and region, I will always work to empower the poor who are the real strength of the nation.”

His critics sniff at such talk. “The unfortunate fact is that we know remarkably little about him. He has said very little of consequence,” said political commentator Mahesh Rangarajan.

“It’s also important to remember that he’s the first person in this family in politics who has grown up in a security cocoon,” Rangarajan added.

That cocoon is the result of the tragedies that have beset the Gandhis.

Rahul was only 14 when his grandmother, Indira Gandhi, was shot to death in 1984 by her own bodyguards. His father, Rajiv Gandhi, was blown up by a Tamil suicide bomber in 1991.

The family stayed away from politics until 1998, when Rajiv Gandhi’s Italian-born widow, Sonia, reluctantly accepted the leadership of the Congress party. She was elected to parliament a year later.

Now her son and fellow lawmaker has to figure out where he goes next.

“The party would like him to be quick about it. The party would like him to, you know, wave the magic wand and get them votes, which has become the character of the Congress. People have got so used to the Nehru-Gandhi family getting them votes,” said political commentator Neerja Chowdhury.

“Rahul Gandhi is taking his time in discovering India, trying to work out his own role.”

The way it goes, the word “Gandhi” might one day become most hated word in India.

I am sorry to say this Mahatma! Please forgive me.

Indian Govt affidavit on money swissed away

anuramas — Tue, 05 May 2009 20:21:49 +0000

In response to the notice issued by the Supreme Court of India on the Public Interest Litigation filed by Mr. Ram Jethmalani, the Government has filed an affidavit to the court.

I searched on the internet if I could get the full text of the affidavit but could not the same. However, this ANI report found at www.thaindian.com shows that the Government has not directly answered the steps taken to get this money back to India. We have to wait and see how the cases progresses at the apex court.

The government of India on Saturday filed an affidavit in the Supreme Court on the steps taken by it on the black money stashed by Indian nationals in Swiss banks.

The Centre assured the apex court that it was doing its level best to retrieve the amount of over Rs. 70 lakh crore in black money believed to be stored in foreign banks by rich Indians.

The affidavit was filed in response to a public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by former Law Minister and reputed jurist Ram Jethmalani, former Lok Sabha General Secretary Subhash C Kashyap and former Punjab Police chief KPS Gill, who have been seeking court’s direction to the government to bring back the black money.

In the affidavit, the government has claimed that the lawsuit filed against it was ” politically motivated”.

Doubting the intensions of filing the lawsuit in the middle of the general elections, the Centre sought the dismissal of the PIL.

Jethmalani and others had mentioned the petition in front of the Court on April 22. They had alleged that the government was taking no action on the black money issue.

Though the apex court had not issued notice, it had posted the matter for hearing on May 4 after the ASG had promised to file the affidavit within 48 hours.

Dismissing the charges by the petitioners, the ASG had pointed out that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, in his opening speech at the recent G-20 submit in London, had said that “there should be an absolute transparency and banking secrecy should be over”. – API (Thanks – www.thaindian.com)

The Swiss banks are said to have the highest deposits by Indians. This fact was exposed after Swiss banks were forced by the US and other Western countries to disclose the details of their nationals who maintain accounts with them.

The issue has recently been raked up by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), who have demanded an immediate action to bring back the unaccounted money from the foreign banks.

In the meanwhile, the former Finance Minister Mr. P Chidambaram has told that the Indian Government has taken much more steps than other countries in unearthing the money stashed in the Swiss banks. He refers to steps taken as early as in Feb 2008.

We have done enough to unearth Swiss money: PC

New Delhi: Union Home Minister P Chidambaram today claimed that the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government had “done more than any other country” to unearth money in Swiss and other foreign banks, lodged there by individuals to evade taxes.

“As soon as I saw the newspaper report (about the LTG Bank), I contacted the German government and sought its help. The government also promptly invoked a legislation to do away with the problems of double taxation with Germany. I will say some progress have been made,” Chidambaram said at a press conference today.

“To know the current position you have to ask the current finance minister, but I can say there is progress in the matter. We have done more than what the US and the UK have done,” Chidambaram said.

The home minister took a dig at the BJP and its allies like the Janata Dal (United) that have raised the issue in the run-up to the general elections. “If my memory serves me right, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government too had a home minister and a finance minister for six years.

What did they do during that period? And I must humbly say to the BJP, Wikipedia (an online encyclopedia that puts the figure of Indian money in Swiss banks at Rs 25 lakh crore) can’t be the basis of political allegations,” he said. This is the figure senior BJP leader LK Advani had cited.

On February 29, 2008, the finance ministry had written to the Federal Central Tax Office in Bonn to seek information about Indians who may have accounts with Liechtenstein’s LGT Bank. This was following the sale of bank data by an employee to the government of Germany that revealed details of money parked in the bank by individuals to escape tax scrutiny.

Source: Business Standard

Going to be a women’s game with no reservations

anuramas — Wed, 29 Apr 2009 10:02:33 +0000

In 1997-98 three women were at the forefront of Indian Politics, Ms. Jayalalithaa, Ms. Mamtha Banerjee and Ms. Mayavati. Together, they brought down the 13 month old Government of BJP and gave many sleepless nights to the BJP leaders.

BJP senior leader Jaswant Singh and Mr. George Fernandes used to regularly on mission pacify Ms. Jayalalithaa in those times.

History seems to be on a repeat mode after 12 years. Post elections 2009, at least two powerful women politicians of the country are going to have a bigger role at the center.

Jayalalitha, Mayawati to play key role post polls: Sardesai

Rajdeep Sardesai, Editor-in-Chief, CNN-IBN, said there is no clear trend emerging from elections till now. He feels the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) may do better than 2004 in Uttar Pradesh (UP). “The fight in Maharashtra will be much closer than anticipated.”

According to him, both the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and National Democratic Alliance (NDA) believe they will end up with 180-200 seats. He feels Jayalalitha and Mayawati will play a key role post elections. “A pre-poll alliance that manages to bag more than 200 seats will be at an advantage to form the government. The Congress will have to negotiate with the Left.”

He believes the chances of a Third Front leading the next Central government are grim.

Q: Any sense so far that we are almost getting to the third phase on – which way is the wind blowing?
A: It is very difficult to predict which way the wind is really blowing because I think with every phase you are finding that the wind moves in very different directions. It is obvious that there is no single pattern that is emerging at the end of the day. There are certain states that is obvious in the first two rounds. The BJP is done pretty well. Chattisgard, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh to give a few examples. On the other hand, the Congress seems to have done rather well in Kerala. Take the case in Andhra Pradesh, where the feeling is that in the first round, which was in the Talagana region, Congress has not done well, but every report that we are now getting from the ground is that the second round in costal Andhra the congress did very well. So you are getting the first signs of what is likely to be a mixed verdict. The best news for the BJP is probably coming from Uttar Pradesh where in the first two rounds the party seems to held its own and probably done better than it did in 2004. So a very mixed data coming in. Even in Maharastra it appears that the fight is much closer than anyone would have imagined.

Q: By the end of Phase III how clear might it be, what kind of forces are coming to power?
A: I think you have to wait till May 16; it is becoming increasingly clear that the battle is not about 272 anymore or the half way of the Lok Sabha but the battle now is about getting even 200. Which pre-poll alliance reaches 200 will probably have the momentum with it to probably reach 272 with the help of post-poll allies. That is the target. At the moment both the major alliances’, United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and National Democratic Alliance (NDA), own assessment is that they are ending up anywhere between a 180 and 200, 180 makes it difficult to form a government, 200 gives you the option of looking for post-poll allies. For the NDA, the key is Mayawati and Jayalalitha. The NDA will be banking on them doing well and maybe becoming future post-poll allies. For the UPA, the key is to hold its own and also in a strange way that Mulayam Singh Yadav does reasonably well, that Lalu Prasad Yadav doesn’t get decimated and the Left at the end of the day gets 30-35 seats and is left with few options but to back the UPA after the elections.

Q: Tomorrow is an important day for Gujarat, there is a lot of noise around Bombay but Gujarat it is 26 seats and should be crucial for the NDA or the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)?
A: Absolutely. What is happening is in states where there is a direct fight at the moment, we have seen that in Madhya Pradesh already Chhattisgarh, the BJP seems to have the edge. Certainly in Gujarat, every indication the BJP has the edge but last time in the Lok Sabha elections, the BJP got 14 out of 26, the Congress got 12. Every indication is that the BJP will do better than last time. The question is how much better. The BJP needs to do extremely well in states like Gujarat to make sure that they are closer as an NDA block to that 200 figure.

Q: From what you are saying and falling short of getting even to the 200 mark, how much longer post the final counting day do you think it will take before we finally know what kind of combination there is at the top? Do you think it is going to become a more extended period post counting?
A: I must confess, I fear it will be an extended period only because it will take time for all these pieces to fit into the jigsaw. I think it is clear that if the NDA gets 200, they will try and send emissaries to Lucknow and Chennai because Mayawati and Jayalalitha are their potential targets in a post-poll scenario. Heaven knows what kind of a government it will be if it involves both Mayawati and Jayalalitha.
On the other hand, for the UPA it is clear that it will have to do some kind of negotiations with the Left. It is almost inevitable. The question is what price will the Left try and extract for that kind of negotiation.
There is a third possibility which people are talking about which is that Nitish Kumar in Bihar does well and that Jayalalitha does well in Tamil Nadu and that they switch sides i.e. Jayalalitha chooses to along with the Congress who would benefit her in 2011 Tamil Nadu elections and Nitish Kumar who seems to be slowly distancing himself from the BJP also decides to switch sides. That will take time, it won’t happen overnight. If you have a situation where the two major pre-poll alliances are anywhere between 180 and 210, they will need at least a week to put all these pieces together. So I think you are looking at a scenario where after May 16 – it will take a week but as I have said before post that expect a relative degree of stability. I think there will be some level of seeming chaos after May 16 but eventually I do believe that the government that is formed will be a lot more stable than many people imagine. I still don’t see, like many others do, the possibility of a third front government. I still see the UPA and the NDA being in poll position to lead the next government.

Source: www.moneycontrol.com

Communalist Vs. Secularist

anuramas — Sat, 25 Apr 2009 16:09:45 +0000

A picture is worth 1000 words.

But this picture is worth half a billion votes. Time to think!

Saying secular is not secular.

Being secular is.

Ignore those who divide and rule on the plank of secularism and choose those who are communal about being secular.

Isn’t time to raise in a secular way to banish the pseudo secular parties and leaders?

www.arasiyal.com » National

The politics of Vande Mataram

US lauds India’s religious freedom, flays some states

Spectrum allocation largest scam in independent India: BJP

UPA set to return to power

CPI-M Prakash Karat & Karan Thapar

Indian Elections 2009 sans issues?

The “Gandhi” mantra of Indian politics

Indian Govt affidavit on money swissed away

Going to be a women’s game with no reservations

Communalist Vs. Secularist

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